Swapo’s ‘side chick’ conundrum
Because of the weak intellectual culture in our country, there is a limited selection of political literature to go by. Think of the ruling party, Swapo. It has not been subjected to any noteworthy analysis in the form of books. We are not referring to monographs and biographies of Swapo leaders in which they detail their experience in exile (both positive and negative). We are referring to the analysis of the party as a whole and not its parts.
The debate on Swapo has always been limited to journalistic or newspaper commentaries. A person involved in academic writings will struggle, beyond newspaper writings, to find credible texts analysing Swapo. There have been, however, some select journal articles from a few academics, but these can hardly be relied upon in understanding Swapo’s political content and culture conclusively.
Swapo itself, although having bodies like a think tank, is not involved in producing analytical and useful texts that serious intellectuals may wish to consider. When one compares the African National Congress (ANC), South Africa’s ruling party, to Swapo in this area, it is clear that Swapo is simply absent. The ANC has a seminal and revered document called "Through the Eye of a Needle".
This document deals with the qualities of an ANC leader. Swapo has no document that comes close to this. It has a 10-page document called the "political programme", written in exile, that has not once been reviewed in 32 years. Most of its leaders have never read it but unashamedly refer to it. Our journalists never probed politicians like Mathew Mumbala on the content of the "political programme". Doing so would’ve exposed the hollowness and the unexamined political culture.
The problem is caused both by the non-interest of academics and the ruling party’s own productive inadequacies. Think of this famous phrase: "I was born Swapo".
What would a statement like that mean? When one compares this to "I was born with this birthmark," it may appear there is some biological link between Swapo and childbirth.
When a 40-plus woman like Nambata Angula, who forms part of the leadership of the association that refers to 40-year-olds as "kids," makes use of this phrase, we must seek explanations beyond biology. We understand this to refer to the geography of birth. Namely, that they were born more than 40 years ago in Angola in Swapo refugee camps.
That established, with our learners in mind, is this grammar correct? If this interpretation is correct, and they are referring to Swapo in exile, then a distinction between a liberation movement and a political party in an independent society must be made. When this is considered, this question arises: can one be born into a political party such as Swapo? For any political party, its constitution prescribes the membership rules and criteria.
There is no Namibian political party, including Swapo, that grants membership to babies at birth. One can thus not claim to have been born into a political party in an independent Namibia. In fact, we weren’t supposed to allow government to undertake discriminatory employment arrangements based on the geography of birth. It is unconstitutional.
Swapo’s dysfunctional political culture accounts for this. In normal political parties, leadership is not cheaply accessed by anyone from the sides. It is for this reason that the ANC published "Through the Eye of a Needle". After 30 years, Helmut Angula realised the untenable political culture. His ideas, contained in the party constitution – an attempt to guard against side chicks – have now been scrapped. The current focus is on the top-four positions, but this culture goes further.
It would seem that, on the instructions of Geingob, one can become a party leader. Minister Iipumbu Shiimi, who never led any structure in Oshana, is now the regional treasurer and central committee (CC) candidate from that region. To make matters worse, Shiimi is not even from Oshana. Minister Obeth Kandjoze is the same – a CC candidate for Omaheke. He never led in any structure there. Minister Frans Kapofi is a CC candidate for Oshikoto; same story. Hardap governor Salomon April, who was a pastor, never led any structure in Hardap, yet he is a Hardap CC candidate.
It is the same with Otjozondjupa governor, James Uerikua, who is the Otjozondjupa CC candidate. To use a social language, these politicians, and many others not mentioned, would be regarded as side chicks in political relations. On close reading, side chicks have elbowed out the main chicks and the wives. They are now headed to congress on instructions from Geingob, to whom both side chicks, main chicks, and wives belong. It is a spectacle!
Muthoni waKongola is a native of Kongola in the Zambezi Region primarily concerned with analysing society and offering ideas for a better Namibia. She is reachable at [email protected] or @wakongola on Twitter.
The debate on Swapo has always been limited to journalistic or newspaper commentaries. A person involved in academic writings will struggle, beyond newspaper writings, to find credible texts analysing Swapo. There have been, however, some select journal articles from a few academics, but these can hardly be relied upon in understanding Swapo’s political content and culture conclusively.
Swapo itself, although having bodies like a think tank, is not involved in producing analytical and useful texts that serious intellectuals may wish to consider. When one compares the African National Congress (ANC), South Africa’s ruling party, to Swapo in this area, it is clear that Swapo is simply absent. The ANC has a seminal and revered document called "Through the Eye of a Needle".
This document deals with the qualities of an ANC leader. Swapo has no document that comes close to this. It has a 10-page document called the "political programme", written in exile, that has not once been reviewed in 32 years. Most of its leaders have never read it but unashamedly refer to it. Our journalists never probed politicians like Mathew Mumbala on the content of the "political programme". Doing so would’ve exposed the hollowness and the unexamined political culture.
The problem is caused both by the non-interest of academics and the ruling party’s own productive inadequacies. Think of this famous phrase: "I was born Swapo".
What would a statement like that mean? When one compares this to "I was born with this birthmark," it may appear there is some biological link between Swapo and childbirth.
When a 40-plus woman like Nambata Angula, who forms part of the leadership of the association that refers to 40-year-olds as "kids," makes use of this phrase, we must seek explanations beyond biology. We understand this to refer to the geography of birth. Namely, that they were born more than 40 years ago in Angola in Swapo refugee camps.
That established, with our learners in mind, is this grammar correct? If this interpretation is correct, and they are referring to Swapo in exile, then a distinction between a liberation movement and a political party in an independent society must be made. When this is considered, this question arises: can one be born into a political party such as Swapo? For any political party, its constitution prescribes the membership rules and criteria.
There is no Namibian political party, including Swapo, that grants membership to babies at birth. One can thus not claim to have been born into a political party in an independent Namibia. In fact, we weren’t supposed to allow government to undertake discriminatory employment arrangements based on the geography of birth. It is unconstitutional.
Swapo’s dysfunctional political culture accounts for this. In normal political parties, leadership is not cheaply accessed by anyone from the sides. It is for this reason that the ANC published "Through the Eye of a Needle". After 30 years, Helmut Angula realised the untenable political culture. His ideas, contained in the party constitution – an attempt to guard against side chicks – have now been scrapped. The current focus is on the top-four positions, but this culture goes further.
It would seem that, on the instructions of Geingob, one can become a party leader. Minister Iipumbu Shiimi, who never led any structure in Oshana, is now the regional treasurer and central committee (CC) candidate from that region. To make matters worse, Shiimi is not even from Oshana. Minister Obeth Kandjoze is the same – a CC candidate for Omaheke. He never led in any structure there. Minister Frans Kapofi is a CC candidate for Oshikoto; same story. Hardap governor Salomon April, who was a pastor, never led any structure in Hardap, yet he is a Hardap CC candidate.
It is the same with Otjozondjupa governor, James Uerikua, who is the Otjozondjupa CC candidate. To use a social language, these politicians, and many others not mentioned, would be regarded as side chicks in political relations. On close reading, side chicks have elbowed out the main chicks and the wives. They are now headed to congress on instructions from Geingob, to whom both side chicks, main chicks, and wives belong. It is a spectacle!
Muthoni waKongola is a native of Kongola in the Zambezi Region primarily concerned with analysing society and offering ideas for a better Namibia. She is reachable at [email protected] or @wakongola on Twitter.
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