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Neocolonialsism
Neocolonialsism

A necessary awareness of neo-colonialism in Namibia and Africa

Kalmada Hailombe
“The chameleon changes colour to match the earth, the earth does not change colour to match the chameleon.” – African proverb.

Tody, African states are, at face value, 'independent', but remain heavily dependent, controlled and exploited by the effects of neo-colonialism, which has emerged as the biggest threat to contemporary Africa.

The late Kwame Nkrumah, in his study, "Neo-colonialism: The Last Stage of Imperialism," defines neo-colonialism as the practise of using capitalism, globalisation and cultural imperialism to influence a developing country in lieu of direct imperialism (military control) or indirect hegemony (political control).

It is the continuation of the economic model of colonialism after a colonised territory was granted independence (the granting of independence by one country to another being an oppressive act in and of itself).

The relationship is asymmetrical i.e. at the cost of the African peoples, who are dependent rather than inter-dependent, facing identity destruction through continued advancement of foreign culture, religion and language; subjugating the African and their potential radicalisation.

Economic and social power remains in the hands of foreign capitalists, white minority population under the guise of black (indigenous comprador bourgeoisies) political control.

Foreign aid

African countries have been recipients of foreign assistance since their respective independence, yet progress thereafter has been negligible. Intervention by foreign powers compounds political weakness, stifles enterprise and makes leaders less accountable to their citizens.

Foreign aid supports unnecessary bureaucracies and unrelatable policies, thus reinforcing social inequalities and perpetuating authoritarianism and underdevelopment.

Historically, the World Bank has been led by an American, while the International Monetary Fund by a European – the function of a "gentlemen’s agreement" forged by Western powers in the post-war period. Humanitarian aid inspires African countries to rely on food aid, its safety net and handouts.

Recipient countries transfer foreign aid funding into poor and inefficient 'white elephant' projects that neither foster growth, development, nor build good institutions. Consider the Herero and Nama genocides.

Conditions surrounding reparations/payments will be in the form of developmental aid, rendering Namibia subservient to the economic and political will of Germany; it will not go directly to Herero – Nama descendants and are dictated by the German and Namibian governments - regardless of the fact that Namibia, as an "independent republic," did not exist when these atrocities occurred.

Education

Current African education, as extensions of colonial curricula, is producing a neo-colonial philosophical consciousness and collective personality that maintain colonial characteristics. In order to perpetuate and reproduce a colonial society, colonisers required more than guns and physical violence to subjugate us; they needed an education system that would implant in the minds of the colonised suppositions of African inferiority. Resultantly, the imperial problem of establishing neo-colonial states for resource exploitation and preventing African independence, self-development, and self-confidence has been solved by neo-colonialists through neo-colonial education.

Before France would 'grant independence' to countries such as Cote d’Ivoire, Mali, Benin, Guinea, Senegal and Burkina Faso, each country had to sign a cooperation agreement with France (i.e. the Pact for the Continuation of Colonisation).

Former AU ambassador, Dr Arikana Chihombori, explains: Former colonies were to pay for the infrastructure France built during colonisation; national reserves of former colonies must be deposited into the French Central Bank; France to have a right of first refusal on natural resources discovered; priority to French interests and companies in public procurement; exclusive right to supply military equipment and train the former colonies’ military officers; right of France to pre-deploy troops and intervene in the country to defend French interests; French shall be the official language and language of education, strict use of the French colonial currency, (CFA Franc) and former colonies were to send France annual balance reports and could not sign any treaties without France’s consent. Today, these conditions exist in one form or another.

Old ties

Before independence, Namibia was tossed around like a volleyball between the United Kingdom, Germany and finally white-controlled South Africa. South Africa was so entrenched in the Namibian economy that President Nujoma maintained cordial relations with SA for Namibia to survive. The role of institutions in a society is to reflect the power that controls that society. Before independence, Swapo’s economic policy was mainly socialist, aiming to cut ties with South Africa.

However, after independence, this aim changed to promoting a capitalist system, breaking the promise to sever ties with the former oppressor. To retain support from the international community, Namibia’s economic policies thus mirror that of the West.

Today, few, but large integrated foreign multi-national corporations dominate our economy.

Financial rating agencies such as Standard & Poors rate us without context from comfortable New York offices, while Roman-Dutch law is used to judge agreements made in the village.

Vast amounts of foreigners own land acquired via property rights granted by legal doctrine established retrospectively after colonial land grabs. Article 16 of Namibia’s constitution prevents this land from being expropriated without market-value compensation.

This, irrespective of the fact that, before Namibia’s existence (pre-colonisation, no borders or boundaries existed in Africa), indigenous Herero, Nama, Damara, San, Khoekhoe peoples never truly practised the concept of individual land ownership.

Namibians and Africans remain colonised politically, economically, and subconsciously (religiously, culturally, and through our education systems). The Berlin Conference - where a handful of men representing western nations had their pick of African territories while simultaneously drawing artificial borders - concluded within four months (15 November 1884 – 26 February 1885). Solutions have, however, taken centuries. Unity and awareness are thus essential. A revolution is paramount.

Kalmada Hailombe is an LLB graduate from the University of Namibia and a member of the Namibia Economic Freedom Fighters.

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Namibian Sun 2024-11-23

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